The Namasudra movement can be said to have started in 1872-73 in the Faridpur-Bakarganj region as a social and economic boycott of the upper castes as they had refused to attend the funeral of one of the Namasudra headmen. Though this movement did not last long, other forms of social protests began with the formation of various religious sects, like the Matua sect and other Vaishnavite sects. These sects urged the dalits to believe in God and work for their economic betterment rather than following a spiritual path as the Brahmanic sects were teaching. One of their great leaders, Guruchand Thakur, imbibed them with the belief that whosoever does not have a group has no social strength. But due to their social position and their teachings, these Vaishnavite sects were even boycotted by the Vaishnavites themselves. This forced the dalits to create a new identity for themselves.
The colonial rule had opened up new economic opportunities for all classes. These new jobs were not the reserve for the upper castes but were open to talent. The dalits were ready to take advantage of these new opportunities and western education to improve their economic status and a few individuals did rise in the parallel social hierarchy that was created by the colonial structure. This did not necessarily mean that the Hindu society accepted their new status. They were absorbed, no doubt, but at a level lower than their expectation. These educated and economically better-off dalits felt the oppression of the society as never before and they craved to cut out for themselves a more respectable status. These men became the leaders of the dalit movement in Bengal and resorted to mass mobilization among the peasants to create an awareness about their oppression and a new identity for themselves. The censuses of 1901 and 1911 also played their part in giving them a new identity. These dalits in these censuses were marked as depressed classes or Scheduled Castes and not as Hindus. The dalits now began to see themselves as different from the Hindus, they saw themselves as the ‘Other’, but unique from the ‘Otherness’ of the Muslims.
The Bengal Namasudra Association was formed in Calcutta in 1912. This gave an organisational boost to the Namasudra movement and soon other organisations came up representing various dalit groups in Bengal like the Rajbansis. The leaders of these organisations went to the interior of the regions to talk to the peasants and represent their demands. These demands were also taken to the floor of the legislative assembly. With the coming of institutional reservations matter became a bit better for the dalit leaders. But with the coming of these organisations a schism formed within the leadership of the dalits. One section was for an amalgamation with the Congress and was in favour of joining the national movement, but in the beginning this group was very small. The majority believed in an independent stand, even an anti-Congress stand. The Congress was looked upon as an elite organisation, one that was run by the upper caste Hindus (and this was true). The landlords in the dalit regions in Bengal, whose oppression the dalits had to face every day and to which an awareness was created by the dalit mobilization, were some of the leaders of the Congress. Naturally, the Congress was not looked upon very favourably by the dalit leaders. They were, on the other hand, closer to the Praja movement as it appealed to their economic needs. Here it is interesting to note that the dalits were inspired and concerned more with their economic well being rather than any social uplift. Most of their protests were regarding economic matters, like land disputes, share in crops, and others. But the situation began to change after the death of Guruchand, the main proponent of the anti-Congress sentiment, in 1935.
After 1935, the Congress made a concerted attempt at winning over the dalits but was not so successful as the result of the 1937 election shows. The vast majority of the dalit leaders went with the Muslim League-Krishak Praja coalition of Fazlul Huq. This ministry did not deliver what it had promised. Very little was done about the demands of the dalits while being accused of looking after the needs of the Muslims. With the fiasco of the Calcutta Riots, the dalit leadership lost all faith in the ministry and began to move closer to the Congress. Leaders like Sarat and Subhas Bose tried to win over the dalit leaders. The grandson of Guruchand Thakur, P. K. Thakur, became a major supporter of the Congress. The Congress sent two dalit leaders to tour the Congress ruled regions and the leaders were impressed by the advances made by the dalits and the Congress in those areas. The anti-Congress camp called these advances a sham. But by 1940 matters were worse than it seemed. Most of the dalit organisations were based in Calcutta and had an influence only over a very limited area around Calcutta. The leaders became too comfortable in the luxury of the city and lost all touch with the masses. Very few demands made by them were regarding the rural peasantry who formed the mass of the dalits. The leaders were too busy assuring for themselves institutional concessions that would help them get a share in political power. The peasants began to lose faith in their leaders.
During the 1940s the dalit leadership began to move closer to the Congress and a minority, led by Jogendranath Mandal, followed the Ambedkarite policy of staying away and opposing the Congress. The support of Mandal for the despised Suhrawardy government was severely criticized and this section of the dalit leadership was further marginalised in the dalit movement not only in Bengal but also in other parts of India. With the coming of partition, the dalit leadership petitioned the Viceroy to include the dalit majority regions in western Bengal that was to be acceded to India but the whole Namasudra region went to East Pakistan. The dalit movement lost its base and source of economic support and got assimilated into the Congress. The Congress had successfully absorbed the dalit movement and the Namasudra movement.
The colonial rule had opened up new economic opportunities for all classes. These new jobs were not the reserve for the upper castes but were open to talent. The dalits were ready to take advantage of these new opportunities and western education to improve their economic status and a few individuals did rise in the parallel social hierarchy that was created by the colonial structure. This did not necessarily mean that the Hindu society accepted their new status. They were absorbed, no doubt, but at a level lower than their expectation. These educated and economically better-off dalits felt the oppression of the society as never before and they craved to cut out for themselves a more respectable status. These men became the leaders of the dalit movement in Bengal and resorted to mass mobilization among the peasants to create an awareness about their oppression and a new identity for themselves. The censuses of 1901 and 1911 also played their part in giving them a new identity. These dalits in these censuses were marked as depressed classes or Scheduled Castes and not as Hindus. The dalits now began to see themselves as different from the Hindus, they saw themselves as the ‘Other’, but unique from the ‘Otherness’ of the Muslims.
The Bengal Namasudra Association was formed in Calcutta in 1912. This gave an organisational boost to the Namasudra movement and soon other organisations came up representing various dalit groups in Bengal like the Rajbansis. The leaders of these organisations went to the interior of the regions to talk to the peasants and represent their demands. These demands were also taken to the floor of the legislative assembly. With the coming of institutional reservations matter became a bit better for the dalit leaders. But with the coming of these organisations a schism formed within the leadership of the dalits. One section was for an amalgamation with the Congress and was in favour of joining the national movement, but in the beginning this group was very small. The majority believed in an independent stand, even an anti-Congress stand. The Congress was looked upon as an elite organisation, one that was run by the upper caste Hindus (and this was true). The landlords in the dalit regions in Bengal, whose oppression the dalits had to face every day and to which an awareness was created by the dalit mobilization, were some of the leaders of the Congress. Naturally, the Congress was not looked upon very favourably by the dalit leaders. They were, on the other hand, closer to the Praja movement as it appealed to their economic needs. Here it is interesting to note that the dalits were inspired and concerned more with their economic well being rather than any social uplift. Most of their protests were regarding economic matters, like land disputes, share in crops, and others. But the situation began to change after the death of Guruchand, the main proponent of the anti-Congress sentiment, in 1935.
After 1935, the Congress made a concerted attempt at winning over the dalits but was not so successful as the result of the 1937 election shows. The vast majority of the dalit leaders went with the Muslim League-Krishak Praja coalition of Fazlul Huq. This ministry did not deliver what it had promised. Very little was done about the demands of the dalits while being accused of looking after the needs of the Muslims. With the fiasco of the Calcutta Riots, the dalit leadership lost all faith in the ministry and began to move closer to the Congress. Leaders like Sarat and Subhas Bose tried to win over the dalit leaders. The grandson of Guruchand Thakur, P. K. Thakur, became a major supporter of the Congress. The Congress sent two dalit leaders to tour the Congress ruled regions and the leaders were impressed by the advances made by the dalits and the Congress in those areas. The anti-Congress camp called these advances a sham. But by 1940 matters were worse than it seemed. Most of the dalit organisations were based in Calcutta and had an influence only over a very limited area around Calcutta. The leaders became too comfortable in the luxury of the city and lost all touch with the masses. Very few demands made by them were regarding the rural peasantry who formed the mass of the dalits. The leaders were too busy assuring for themselves institutional concessions that would help them get a share in political power. The peasants began to lose faith in their leaders.
During the 1940s the dalit leadership began to move closer to the Congress and a minority, led by Jogendranath Mandal, followed the Ambedkarite policy of staying away and opposing the Congress. The support of Mandal for the despised Suhrawardy government was severely criticized and this section of the dalit leadership was further marginalised in the dalit movement not only in Bengal but also in other parts of India. With the coming of partition, the dalit leadership petitioned the Viceroy to include the dalit majority regions in western Bengal that was to be acceded to India but the whole Namasudra region went to East Pakistan. The dalit movement lost its base and source of economic support and got assimilated into the Congress. The Congress had successfully absorbed the dalit movement and the Namasudra movement.
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