Near the Delhi University, is the Pir Ghaib complex. This complex consists of the ruins of a building and a baoli, and is located in the residential area of the Hindu Rao Hospital complex. The building, called Pir Ghaib, is double-storied and rectangular in shape with battered walls. It is a massive, rubble-built structure. To the south-west of this buibblelding a little distance away is the baoli, a deep but massive, rubble-built structure and a tunnel lead from its north wall towards the plain in the north. Both these structures were built by Firoz Shah Tughlaq around AD 1380 and are known as the Khushk-i Shikar (Hunting Palace) or Khushk-i Jahan Numa (World Showing Palace). In this paper I will explore the ways in which people's perception of these monuments have changed over time, and consequently the ways in which these monuments have been reconstructed differently in different periods. I hope this will contribute to a better understanding of the ever changing relationship between a monument and the society around it.
Today Pir Ghaib is not a very well-known site. Very rarely do tourists come to visit the monuments. Children play inside the compound of the Pir Ghaib and the local ruffians play card and gamble on the first floor. Pir Ghaib has a religious significance to it as is clearly evident from its name. The building is used as a kind of a Dargah of the Vanished Pir. A Baba comes here every Thursday. Though the hospital authorities are against such activities, the Pir Ghaib has been used as an unofficial Dargah for ages. The inability of the authorities to curb this practice can be linked to the high regard the residents have for the Baba. Something around 25 to 30 people come for his blessings and advice every Thursday. These people mostly belong to the lower strata of the society. In the residential area around Pir Ghaib, it is only the guards and the karamcharis who have a high regard for the Baba. The doctors who reside here are very cynical about him. One such doctor told me that there used to be a good Baba but the present one is a fraud even though he claims descent from the earlier one. He is here only to earn a living. Even though these doctors have no regard for the Baba, they consider the Pir Ghaib to be a religious building.
Whatever be their attitude, the residents are least bothered about the monument, irrespective of their social stratification. All that the residents know is that a Pir lived here who suddenly vanished and so it is called Pir Ghaib. They do not even know who built it. Their oblivion to the presence of these structures and their ignorance is very evident from the garbage dumped in the baoli and the unbearable stink that emits from the area around it. And yet they are proud of these monuments! Many residents have told me that they are proud of having two historical monuments in their midst and show these off to the guests who pay them a visit.
Many mysteries, legends and rumours are prevalent about the Pir Gahib.. The most recent one has been circulating after the Archaeological Survey of India took the pains to repair these structures. According to the residents, the tunnel from the baoli leads to the Red Fort and then on to Agra.
The Baba, Rehmat Ali, who at present visits Pir Ghaib has told me why Pir Ghaib is so called. According to him, Firoz Shah Tughlaq had built this structure as his hunting lodge. After the construction was over, he paid it a visit. When he climbed up the stairs to the first floor, he saw a fakir praying there. The Emperor looked back and when he turned around the fakir had vanished. The thought of this incident troubled him so much that he could neither eat nor sleep. One night he got a dream. In his dream the Pir appeared and asked him to build a cenotaph at the place where he had seen the Pir and he would get back his peace of mind and the Pir's blessings. Thus, Firoz Shah built the cenotaph and changed the hunting lodge into a place of worship. But since the cenotaph was not placed according to Islamic rules, it was later removed. The marks of the cenotaph can be seen in the northern room of the first floor. Now, as it happened, several Babas came here to worship the Pir. After the 1857 revolution, a Baba by the name of Mastan came here to worship. The present Baba traces his lineage to this Baba. Rehmat Ali's grandfather, Ashraf Ali, became the Baba after 1947, followed by his father Shahdat Ali. After Rehmat, his son is going to be the Baba.
Another legend believed by the locals is that, once when Hindoo Rao lived in his haveli, which is now in Azad Market in Bara Hindoo Rao, his daughter of 5 or 6 months was sleeping on a cradle made of silver. Two thieves stole the cradle along with the baby and escaped to the present site of the 'Pir Ghaib' which was then a densely forested area. A fakir named Syed Baba used to live in this area. On hearing the cries of the baby he came to her rescue and cursed the two thieves who became blind. He then returned the child to Hindoo Rao. Hindoo Rao was very eager to show his gratitude and do something for the Baba and so Syed Baba asked him to build a Dargah. Hindoo Rao first built the baoli whose water was used to build the Pir Ghaib and then to serve it. After this, the British came to India. By that time Syed Baba had already died. During the revolt of 1857, since the building was the highest point around Delhi, the British mounted an artillery on top of the building from where they shelled Red Fort and Purana Qila. As the bombing and firing was going on, there suddenly appeared in front of the soldiers manning the artillery on top of Pir Ghaib, an old man with flowing white beard and hair, wearing a white robe. When everyone saw him, they exclaimed that he was a Pir. Then, in front of their eyes the Pir vanished. From then on the building has been called Pir Ghaib. The locals are quite sure of its authenticity.
Looking closely at the two prevalent legends it is clear that both have associated the building with the Pir. Both of them give the Pir Ghaib a religious definition by providing a spiritual atmosphere for the legends. The legend narrated by the Baba is evidently more authentic than the other, but a conscious effort has been made through the legend to legitimize the Babas who come to pray here.
We can find several historical accounts mentioning Pir Ghaib. These are spread over a period of time stretching from the Sultanate period till the British period. But after its mention by Fanshawe in 1902, we have no proper mention of Pir Ghaib in any article other than its description in various books on the monuments of Delhi. This may be because of the fact that the attention of the common people have been taken up by the more prominent monuments in and around Delhi. The Pir Ghaib has been neglected over a long period of time. Even last year, when I first visited these monuments, the plaster on the outer wall of the Pir Ghaib was falling off and the whole compound was overgrown with weeds. The baoli also was overgrown with dense shrubs, so much so that neither the bottom, nor the stairs could be seen. It was used as a toilet and dustbin and the whole place was stinking.
The most recent account, just preceding the legends of today is an account in the book "Delhi Past and Present" written by H. C. Fanshawe in 1902.
"The observatory which stands on the highest point of the ridge, was in all probability the tower upon which a chiming clock was erected by the king. It is popularly known as the Pir Ghaib, or the Hidden Saint, perhaps from the underground galleries which connected it with the plain to the West, and of which vestiges may be seen throughout the slope on that side. On this side too, near the south corner of the area round Hindu Rao's house and at the level of the plain, is a fine baoli, with a very long flight of steps, belonging to the same period as the Khushk-i Shikar."
It is only in Fanshawe's account that we find the Pir Ghaid being referred to as an observatory. This may be due to the presence of holes in the roof and floor of the southern room on the first floor. The sky can be seen through these holes from the ground floor. It is also the only account where Pir Ghaib is said to mean 'Hidden Saint'. But I have not been able to find out why he thinks that a chiming clock was placed on top of this building.
Mention of the Pir Ghaib is also found in the accounts of Padre Tieffenthaler, who resided in India between AD 1743 and 1786. William Finch, in the memoirs of his travels as far as Lahore around A.D. 1611, specially mentions this site in the following terms :
"A little beyond Delhy are the relicks of a stately hunting house, built by an ancient Indian king, which has great curiosities of stone work about it."
It is notable that Finch in his account does not refer to this building as Pir Ghaib butt only as a hunting house. Thus, it is evident that the hunting lodge became associated with a Pir only after AD 1611.
During the Mughal period, we find mention of the baoli in Abul Fazal's account, where he says that the subterranean passage leading from the north wall of the baoli: "was wide enough to admit of Firuz Shah's passing along in mounted procession with the ladies of his harem." This is obviously an exaggerated account but it clearly shows how colourful the legends had been that surrounded the Pir Ghaib in the Mughal period.
The earliest account of the Pir Ghaib is found in Malfuzati Timuri by Sharfuddin Ali Yazdi who refers to it as Khushk-i Jahan Numa and says that Timur visited it when he invaded Delhi. Shams-i Siraj Afif also mentions it in Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi. But a detailed account of how the Pir Ghaib or Khushk-i Shikar came into being can be found in the accounts of an annalist of Firoz Shah.
"During the year 776 H (AD 1375), on the 12th of Safar, the king was plunged into affliction by the death of his favourite son, Fatah Khan, a prince of great promise, and the back of his strength was bent by the burden of grief. Finding no remedy, except in patience and resignation, he buried him in his own garden (now the Kadam Sharif) and performed the customary ceremonies upon the occasion. On account of the excess of his grief, the shadow of his regard was withdrawn from the cares of state, and he abandoned himself entirely to his sorrows. His nobles and councellors placed their heads on the ground, and represented that there was no course left but to submit to the divine will, and that he should not show further repugnance to administer the affairs of the kingdom. The wise king acceded to the supplications of his friends and well-wishers and, in order to dispel his sorrows, devoted himself to sport, and in the vicinity of New Delhi he built a wall of two or three parasangs in circumference, planted within the enclosure shady trees and converted it into a hunting park. The remains of it remain to this day."
I think this is quite an authentic account of how the Pir Ghaib came into being because even though the writer is an annalist of Firoz Shah and has been commissioned by someone to write it, this account does not give him much scope to glorify the emperor and thus he may not have manipulated the facts.
The Pir Ghaib is located on the highest point in the Ridge. This has given it a strategic importance. The surrounding area has been favoured by many for waging wars, the first being Timur's attack on Delhi. According to Shams-i Siraj, Timur, after storming the Fort of Loni came to this place, the Jahan Numa Palace of Firuz Shah as he thought the topography advantageous for his battle and while inspecting the area was attacked by Mallu Khan, a minister of Mohammad Tughlaq. Timur returned to his camp and a battle ensued in which Mallu Khan was killed. Again during the revolt of 1857, this area was a scene of battle. The Flagstaff Tower marks the place where the British ladies and children gathered on the 11th of May 1857, before they fled to Karnal. The Indian troops under Bahadur Shah Zafar made their last stand here on the 8th of June 1857 before falling back behind the city walls. Remains of artillery batteries can be found along the ridge. This event has a bearing on the present popular legend that a piece of artillery was mounted on top of Pir Ghaib.
The sporadic mention of Pir Ghaib in various accounts can also be linked to the shifting population in Delhi due to it being comprised of seven cities. During the Tughlaq period, since this area was a royal estate and the site of battle, it got mention. During the late Mughal period when the British came and started gaining political power in India, they settled around this area as it was outside the walled city of Shahjahanabad and offered a large area for their sprawling estates. It also became the seat of administration till it was shifted to the Rashtrapati Bhawan. Thus, we get a lot of accounts of this area from that time. At present, it is inside a residential complex and thus is associated with various legends and mysteries. But these are restricted to local circulation as this area has lost its importance due to the shift in importance to South Delhi and the attention of people to the more important monuments in and around Delhi.
Comparison of the accounts of Pir Ghaib that I have mentioned shows a gradual change in the people's perception of the Pir Ghaib and the baoli. The Pir Ghaib was used as a hunting lodge during the Tughlug period. After that it fell into disuse as the population of Delhi shifted away and this area became only a marginal area. Till the Mughal Period or rather AD 1611, it was believed that Pir Ghaib was primarily built as a hunting lodge. It is only in the accounts after 1857 that mention is made of a Pir and a religious identify is attached to the building which is evident even in the name Pir Ghaib. At present it is the unofficial Dargah of this vanished Pir. The local people no longer associate it with a hunting lodge but with a Pir who vanished. The tunnel from the baoli, previously believed to have been a passage for Firuz Shah's processions is now regarded as an escape route and short-cut to the Red Fort and Agra. It is also very evident from these comparisons that as time has passed, the various legends have incorporated various events that occurred subsequently in the region. The present day legend, thus, incorporates Hindoo Rao and the British even though they have no direct connection with the building. There is also a marked absence of the sense of chronology in these legends. This is one of the main problems with oral tradition.
The meaning of the monuments has been changing over time and these monuments have been reconstructed differently in different periods and has been influenced by the society around it. And if you think I am not talking sense, pay these monuments a visit. It is worth it.
N.B. - I presented this paper in college and was published in the History Society Journal.
Thursday, 11 March 2010
Wednesday, 10 March 2010
Oscars!!!
As I had said when I was discussing the movie The Blind Side, Sandra Bullock did get the Oscar for her performance. She deserved it. I also watched The Hurt Locker which won six oscars including the Best Movie. It is a beautifully made movie with no over acting and over sensationalisation of the plot. Even though low budget, the movie did not lack anything. Avatar is not that great movie and I do not understand the craze behind it.
I did not watch the ceremony this year but heard that it was good, made sensational by the hype of the clash between James Cameroon and his ex-wife, the director of The Hurt Locker. If anyone has seen both the movies, it will be clear that the question of a sensation does not arise for The Hurt Locker is by far a better movie than Avatar, which has nothing but special effects and budget to boast of. I still have to watch Crazy Heart. I have watched the movie Up and it too deserves the Oscar for the best animated movie. All in all I am not disappointed with the decisions this year.
Monday, 8 March 2010
The Blind Side 2009
With nothing better to do last night I decided to scroll through my movie collection on my laptop and came across an unnamed folder. In it were a few movies I had got from a friend a few days back. The Blind Side was one of them. So I started watching it. I like Sandra Bullock but her performance in this movie was breathtaking.
This movie may look like the ordinary Hollywood movie on the suffering of the African-Americans (I hope I am politically correct!) and how they are viewed by the upper class Americans. Even though based on a similar theme the movie can be compared to othger epic movies, like The Pursuit of Happyness, in both the execution of the plot and acting. The movie is the story of a homeless African-American boy who gets into a public school because of his superb athletic skills and is adopted by a rich American family. One has to watch the movie to enjoy its beauty. The movie will keep you glued to the screen and you will even start to associate yourself with the characters. Sandra Bullock deserves the nomination she received for the Oscars this year. Watch this movie. It is good.
Dalit Movements in Bengal Part 4
The dalit community’s search for an identity got a fillip with the coming of the colonial rule. This cannot bequestioned as the western education and economic opportunities based on merit and not on caste gave the dalits an opportunity to rise up in society as never before. Many dalit leaders believed that the British rule was better for the dalits and refused to join the freedom struggle as they believed that it meant a return to the hierarchised society of pre-colonial India. The colonial policy of regarding the dalits as the ‘Other’ in respect of the Hindus also gave the dalits a sense of identity and a sense of oppression by the upper castes. Even though in Bengal it did not give rise to any violent uprisal by the dalits against the caste structure, other parts of the country had to face it.
The dalits in Bengal struggled a lot to gain a foothold of respect in the society but ultimately failed in the face of national politics which partitioned India. Their home was taken away and they joined India as refugees and had to start a new struggle for the same foothold that they had been fighting for. The dalit leaders also lost sight of the dalit peasantry and the masses during this struggle. They began to emphasize more on institutional concessions and a share in political power. This was to help only a small portion of the dalit population in Bengal. The most affected were the Namasudras as their whole region of habitation went over to East Pakistan and they formed the largest group that migrated into West Bengal. There is no single reason that can explain the rise and fall of the dalit movement in Bengal. It took different pathways and assumed different identities and encompassed diverse levels of consciousness in its struggle to make a foothold in Hindu society and grab a position of respect in the caste structure.
The dalits in Bengal struggled a lot to gain a foothold of respect in the society but ultimately failed in the face of national politics which partitioned India. Their home was taken away and they joined India as refugees and had to start a new struggle for the same foothold that they had been fighting for. The dalit leaders also lost sight of the dalit peasantry and the masses during this struggle. They began to emphasize more on institutional concessions and a share in political power. This was to help only a small portion of the dalit population in Bengal. The most affected were the Namasudras as their whole region of habitation went over to East Pakistan and they formed the largest group that migrated into West Bengal. There is no single reason that can explain the rise and fall of the dalit movement in Bengal. It took different pathways and assumed different identities and encompassed diverse levels of consciousness in its struggle to make a foothold in Hindu society and grab a position of respect in the caste structure.
Dalit Movements in Bengal Part 3
A discussion on the changing identity of dalits in India and the Namasudra movement is incomplete if we do not take the religious aspect into consideration. This aspect forms an important part when we are discussing dalits in Bengal as this also pertains to the Hindu-Muslim crisis of the partition. The dalits belong to the lower levels of the varnashram and thus the Hindu society. Some of them were even treated as untouchables. The Hindu society for long had been able to contain the protests of the dalits against this caste system by means of assimilating the few upwardly mobile groups in the caste into a higher level in the hierarchy. The colonial economy and social structure and western education sharpened the sense of oppression of the leaders of the dalits in Bengal. It is interesting to note that inspite of this, there was no violent protests against the caste structure in Bengal and most of the movements were absorbed into the manifold of Hinduism, unlike in other parts of India. I have already discussed the effects of western education and colonial economy on the sense of identity of these lower classes.
The Namasudras in Bengal formed the largest Hindu group associated with agriculture. The region in eastern Bengal that their population was most concentrated was also populated by Muslim peasants in large numbers. Both these groups worked for the Muslim and upper caste Hindu landowners. Till the last decade of colonial rule, the dalits in Bengal did not associate their identity with Hinduism. They considered themselves unique as a community – an ‘Other’ – and also unique to the Muslims whom they considered also as the ‘Other’. They were concerned more with economic issues of land and share in the produce than with social issues. They often got into violent struggle with the Muslim peasantry but this had almost always to do with economic issues like land disputes or over women and cattle. But it would be unfair to say that there was no attempt to rise in the social structure. Various movements and organisations since the early twentieth century had tried to assimilate social symbols of authority. Some had started wearing the sacred thread that was a mark of Brahminhood to assert their identity as upper castes. The Brahmins had retorted by calling it a useless thread. There were also attempts at asserting their status as Kshatriyas like the Rajbansis of north Bengal.
The whole situation changed after 1911 when the various Hindu groups began to take interest in the dalits due to their numerical strength and the perceived threat from Islam. Various Hindu groups, like the Hindu Mission, Bharat Sevasram Sangh and the All India Hindu Mahasabha began to open branches in Bengal and began to win over the dalits. They held public meetings in the dalit areas where the various members of the upper castes began to accept water from the dalits as a symbol of acceptance of the dalits into the Hindu society. They also began to address issues like the wearing of shoes by dalits in the presence of upper castes, entry into temples and others. The Hindu organisations also realised that the dalit groups could also be used to militarily protect Hinduism from the onslaught of Islam and could also be used to drive back Islam. Groups like the Santhals were highlighted in public meetings where the dalits were glorified as the protectors of the religion. Many of the dalit groups began to rally behind these organisations and especially the Hindu Mahasabha. The leader of the Hindu Mahasabha, Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, was highly respected by the dalits.
The work of these various organisations began to bear fruit after 1937 when the dalit leaders and the masses began to realise that the Huq government in Bengal was working only for the Muslim population. The various meetings of the Mahasabha and other organisations began to be reported by the various dalit newspapers. By this time the Muslim League demand for Pakistan was also becoming louder. The Hindu Mahasabha on the other hand began to demand an Akhand Bharat or an undivided India. The dalit masses began to align themselves behind the Mahasabha and began to raise their voices for the same. The Hindu Mahasabha did not lose time in consolidating this support from the dalit peasantry. The dalits had always had violent confrontations with the Muslim peasantry on economic grounds. These riots when they broke out during this time were used by the Mahasabha to plant the seeds of communalism. Rumours were spread about Muslim atrocities and their attempts at temple desecration. This brought forth the zeal in the dalits to protect their religion and made them feel an important part of Hinduism. Their identification with Hinduism and the influence of the Hindu organisations can be seen from the census in which most of the dalits referred to themselves as Hindus.
By 1945 when it became sure that partition was the only solution in front of them, the Hindu Mahasabha began to demand that the Hindu majority regions of eastern Bengal, populated by the dalits and the Namasudras in particular, should be joined with India. The dalit masses gave their full support to this demand for they had lost faith in their Muslim counterpart and were identifying more with the Hindu society. Many petitions to this effect were sent to the Viceroy, but as it turned out, they fell on deaf ears. The Namasudra majority areas were given over to East Pakistan and a vast majority of the dalits had to flee to India as refugees and began their struggle for self-respect and identity once again.
The Namasudras in Bengal formed the largest Hindu group associated with agriculture. The region in eastern Bengal that their population was most concentrated was also populated by Muslim peasants in large numbers. Both these groups worked for the Muslim and upper caste Hindu landowners. Till the last decade of colonial rule, the dalits in Bengal did not associate their identity with Hinduism. They considered themselves unique as a community – an ‘Other’ – and also unique to the Muslims whom they considered also as the ‘Other’. They were concerned more with economic issues of land and share in the produce than with social issues. They often got into violent struggle with the Muslim peasantry but this had almost always to do with economic issues like land disputes or over women and cattle. But it would be unfair to say that there was no attempt to rise in the social structure. Various movements and organisations since the early twentieth century had tried to assimilate social symbols of authority. Some had started wearing the sacred thread that was a mark of Brahminhood to assert their identity as upper castes. The Brahmins had retorted by calling it a useless thread. There were also attempts at asserting their status as Kshatriyas like the Rajbansis of north Bengal.
The whole situation changed after 1911 when the various Hindu groups began to take interest in the dalits due to their numerical strength and the perceived threat from Islam. Various Hindu groups, like the Hindu Mission, Bharat Sevasram Sangh and the All India Hindu Mahasabha began to open branches in Bengal and began to win over the dalits. They held public meetings in the dalit areas where the various members of the upper castes began to accept water from the dalits as a symbol of acceptance of the dalits into the Hindu society. They also began to address issues like the wearing of shoes by dalits in the presence of upper castes, entry into temples and others. The Hindu organisations also realised that the dalit groups could also be used to militarily protect Hinduism from the onslaught of Islam and could also be used to drive back Islam. Groups like the Santhals were highlighted in public meetings where the dalits were glorified as the protectors of the religion. Many of the dalit groups began to rally behind these organisations and especially the Hindu Mahasabha. The leader of the Hindu Mahasabha, Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, was highly respected by the dalits.
The work of these various organisations began to bear fruit after 1937 when the dalit leaders and the masses began to realise that the Huq government in Bengal was working only for the Muslim population. The various meetings of the Mahasabha and other organisations began to be reported by the various dalit newspapers. By this time the Muslim League demand for Pakistan was also becoming louder. The Hindu Mahasabha on the other hand began to demand an Akhand Bharat or an undivided India. The dalit masses began to align themselves behind the Mahasabha and began to raise their voices for the same. The Hindu Mahasabha did not lose time in consolidating this support from the dalit peasantry. The dalits had always had violent confrontations with the Muslim peasantry on economic grounds. These riots when they broke out during this time were used by the Mahasabha to plant the seeds of communalism. Rumours were spread about Muslim atrocities and their attempts at temple desecration. This brought forth the zeal in the dalits to protect their religion and made them feel an important part of Hinduism. Their identification with Hinduism and the influence of the Hindu organisations can be seen from the census in which most of the dalits referred to themselves as Hindus.
By 1945 when it became sure that partition was the only solution in front of them, the Hindu Mahasabha began to demand that the Hindu majority regions of eastern Bengal, populated by the dalits and the Namasudras in particular, should be joined with India. The dalit masses gave their full support to this demand for they had lost faith in their Muslim counterpart and were identifying more with the Hindu society. Many petitions to this effect were sent to the Viceroy, but as it turned out, they fell on deaf ears. The Namasudra majority areas were given over to East Pakistan and a vast majority of the dalits had to flee to India as refugees and began their struggle for self-respect and identity once again.
DalitMovements in Bengal Part 2
The Namasudra movement can be said to have started in 1872-73 in the Faridpur-Bakarganj region as a social and economic boycott of the upper castes as they had refused to attend the funeral of one of the Namasudra headmen. Though this movement did not last long, other forms of social protests began with the formation of various religious sects, like the Matua sect and other Vaishnavite sects. These sects urged the dalits to believe in God and work for their economic betterment rather than following a spiritual path as the Brahmanic sects were teaching. One of their great leaders, Guruchand Thakur, imbibed them with the belief that whosoever does not have a group has no social strength. But due to their social position and their teachings, these Vaishnavite sects were even boycotted by the Vaishnavites themselves. This forced the dalits to create a new identity for themselves.
The colonial rule had opened up new economic opportunities for all classes. These new jobs were not the reserve for the upper castes but were open to talent. The dalits were ready to take advantage of these new opportunities and western education to improve their economic status and a few individuals did rise in the parallel social hierarchy that was created by the colonial structure. This did not necessarily mean that the Hindu society accepted their new status. They were absorbed, no doubt, but at a level lower than their expectation. These educated and economically better-off dalits felt the oppression of the society as never before and they craved to cut out for themselves a more respectable status. These men became the leaders of the dalit movement in Bengal and resorted to mass mobilization among the peasants to create an awareness about their oppression and a new identity for themselves. The censuses of 1901 and 1911 also played their part in giving them a new identity. These dalits in these censuses were marked as depressed classes or Scheduled Castes and not as Hindus. The dalits now began to see themselves as different from the Hindus, they saw themselves as the ‘Other’, but unique from the ‘Otherness’ of the Muslims.
The Bengal Namasudra Association was formed in Calcutta in 1912. This gave an organisational boost to the Namasudra movement and soon other organisations came up representing various dalit groups in Bengal like the Rajbansis. The leaders of these organisations went to the interior of the regions to talk to the peasants and represent their demands. These demands were also taken to the floor of the legislative assembly. With the coming of institutional reservations matter became a bit better for the dalit leaders. But with the coming of these organisations a schism formed within the leadership of the dalits. One section was for an amalgamation with the Congress and was in favour of joining the national movement, but in the beginning this group was very small. The majority believed in an independent stand, even an anti-Congress stand. The Congress was looked upon as an elite organisation, one that was run by the upper caste Hindus (and this was true). The landlords in the dalit regions in Bengal, whose oppression the dalits had to face every day and to which an awareness was created by the dalit mobilization, were some of the leaders of the Congress. Naturally, the Congress was not looked upon very favourably by the dalit leaders. They were, on the other hand, closer to the Praja movement as it appealed to their economic needs. Here it is interesting to note that the dalits were inspired and concerned more with their economic well being rather than any social uplift. Most of their protests were regarding economic matters, like land disputes, share in crops, and others. But the situation began to change after the death of Guruchand, the main proponent of the anti-Congress sentiment, in 1935.
After 1935, the Congress made a concerted attempt at winning over the dalits but was not so successful as the result of the 1937 election shows. The vast majority of the dalit leaders went with the Muslim League-Krishak Praja coalition of Fazlul Huq. This ministry did not deliver what it had promised. Very little was done about the demands of the dalits while being accused of looking after the needs of the Muslims. With the fiasco of the Calcutta Riots, the dalit leadership lost all faith in the ministry and began to move closer to the Congress. Leaders like Sarat and Subhas Bose tried to win over the dalit leaders. The grandson of Guruchand Thakur, P. K. Thakur, became a major supporter of the Congress. The Congress sent two dalit leaders to tour the Congress ruled regions and the leaders were impressed by the advances made by the dalits and the Congress in those areas. The anti-Congress camp called these advances a sham. But by 1940 matters were worse than it seemed. Most of the dalit organisations were based in Calcutta and had an influence only over a very limited area around Calcutta. The leaders became too comfortable in the luxury of the city and lost all touch with the masses. Very few demands made by them were regarding the rural peasantry who formed the mass of the dalits. The leaders were too busy assuring for themselves institutional concessions that would help them get a share in political power. The peasants began to lose faith in their leaders.
During the 1940s the dalit leadership began to move closer to the Congress and a minority, led by Jogendranath Mandal, followed the Ambedkarite policy of staying away and opposing the Congress. The support of Mandal for the despised Suhrawardy government was severely criticized and this section of the dalit leadership was further marginalised in the dalit movement not only in Bengal but also in other parts of India. With the coming of partition, the dalit leadership petitioned the Viceroy to include the dalit majority regions in western Bengal that was to be acceded to India but the whole Namasudra region went to East Pakistan. The dalit movement lost its base and source of economic support and got assimilated into the Congress. The Congress had successfully absorbed the dalit movement and the Namasudra movement.
The colonial rule had opened up new economic opportunities for all classes. These new jobs were not the reserve for the upper castes but were open to talent. The dalits were ready to take advantage of these new opportunities and western education to improve their economic status and a few individuals did rise in the parallel social hierarchy that was created by the colonial structure. This did not necessarily mean that the Hindu society accepted their new status. They were absorbed, no doubt, but at a level lower than their expectation. These educated and economically better-off dalits felt the oppression of the society as never before and they craved to cut out for themselves a more respectable status. These men became the leaders of the dalit movement in Bengal and resorted to mass mobilization among the peasants to create an awareness about their oppression and a new identity for themselves. The censuses of 1901 and 1911 also played their part in giving them a new identity. These dalits in these censuses were marked as depressed classes or Scheduled Castes and not as Hindus. The dalits now began to see themselves as different from the Hindus, they saw themselves as the ‘Other’, but unique from the ‘Otherness’ of the Muslims.
The Bengal Namasudra Association was formed in Calcutta in 1912. This gave an organisational boost to the Namasudra movement and soon other organisations came up representing various dalit groups in Bengal like the Rajbansis. The leaders of these organisations went to the interior of the regions to talk to the peasants and represent their demands. These demands were also taken to the floor of the legislative assembly. With the coming of institutional reservations matter became a bit better for the dalit leaders. But with the coming of these organisations a schism formed within the leadership of the dalits. One section was for an amalgamation with the Congress and was in favour of joining the national movement, but in the beginning this group was very small. The majority believed in an independent stand, even an anti-Congress stand. The Congress was looked upon as an elite organisation, one that was run by the upper caste Hindus (and this was true). The landlords in the dalit regions in Bengal, whose oppression the dalits had to face every day and to which an awareness was created by the dalit mobilization, were some of the leaders of the Congress. Naturally, the Congress was not looked upon very favourably by the dalit leaders. They were, on the other hand, closer to the Praja movement as it appealed to their economic needs. Here it is interesting to note that the dalits were inspired and concerned more with their economic well being rather than any social uplift. Most of their protests were regarding economic matters, like land disputes, share in crops, and others. But the situation began to change after the death of Guruchand, the main proponent of the anti-Congress sentiment, in 1935.
After 1935, the Congress made a concerted attempt at winning over the dalits but was not so successful as the result of the 1937 election shows. The vast majority of the dalit leaders went with the Muslim League-Krishak Praja coalition of Fazlul Huq. This ministry did not deliver what it had promised. Very little was done about the demands of the dalits while being accused of looking after the needs of the Muslims. With the fiasco of the Calcutta Riots, the dalit leadership lost all faith in the ministry and began to move closer to the Congress. Leaders like Sarat and Subhas Bose tried to win over the dalit leaders. The grandson of Guruchand Thakur, P. K. Thakur, became a major supporter of the Congress. The Congress sent two dalit leaders to tour the Congress ruled regions and the leaders were impressed by the advances made by the dalits and the Congress in those areas. The anti-Congress camp called these advances a sham. But by 1940 matters were worse than it seemed. Most of the dalit organisations were based in Calcutta and had an influence only over a very limited area around Calcutta. The leaders became too comfortable in the luxury of the city and lost all touch with the masses. Very few demands made by them were regarding the rural peasantry who formed the mass of the dalits. The leaders were too busy assuring for themselves institutional concessions that would help them get a share in political power. The peasants began to lose faith in their leaders.
During the 1940s the dalit leadership began to move closer to the Congress and a minority, led by Jogendranath Mandal, followed the Ambedkarite policy of staying away and opposing the Congress. The support of Mandal for the despised Suhrawardy government was severely criticized and this section of the dalit leadership was further marginalised in the dalit movement not only in Bengal but also in other parts of India. With the coming of partition, the dalit leadership petitioned the Viceroy to include the dalit majority regions in western Bengal that was to be acceded to India but the whole Namasudra region went to East Pakistan. The dalit movement lost its base and source of economic support and got assimilated into the Congress. The Congress had successfully absorbed the dalit movement and the Namasudra movement.
Dalit Movement in Bengal Part 1
Dalits in India have been a depressed class since the formation of the varnashram in Hindu society. There was a certain amount of mobility upwards for them but this was not a general rule. They also lacked a sense of identity. All this began to change during the colonial period. The formation of the dalit identity took on various forms and connotations over time. It reached its maturity during the last decade of colonial rule. The Namasudras of Bengal was one such dalit community among others in Bengal who underwent a change in their identity.
The Namasudras of Bengal populated the region of east Bengal, especially the districts of Faridpur, Jessore and Khulna. It was only in the 1911 census that they came to be called Namasudra – previously they were called Chandals. This community did not belong to the untouchable group but had a very low status in the community. They were the second largest Hindu community in Bengal and the largest one working in the agricultural sector. Namasudra peasants and Muslim peasants worked the fields owned by the high caste Hindus and Muslims. Even though low in status some of its members had managed to rise up in the social hierarchy due to their economic strength. The Hindu upper castes and the social hierarchy was apt at absorbing these stray upwardly mobile individuals and thus were able to abet any form of violent protest against the caste structure. This was true especially in Bengal where the incidents of major protests against the caste structure have been historically low as compared to other regions of India.
In this essay I shall be trying to give an overview of the dalit movement in eastern Bengal, which encompasses the area inhabited by the Namasudras. They played a major part in the dalit movement of eastern Bengal. I shall also look at the various identities that the dalit movement took on till independence. I shall first discuss their struggle at the political level and then talk about their changes in identity over time in the religious field. The whole issue is very complicated and interrelated but I have tried to show them in two distinct parts.
The Namasudras of Bengal populated the region of east Bengal, especially the districts of Faridpur, Jessore and Khulna. It was only in the 1911 census that they came to be called Namasudra – previously they were called Chandals. This community did not belong to the untouchable group but had a very low status in the community. They were the second largest Hindu community in Bengal and the largest one working in the agricultural sector. Namasudra peasants and Muslim peasants worked the fields owned by the high caste Hindus and Muslims. Even though low in status some of its members had managed to rise up in the social hierarchy due to their economic strength. The Hindu upper castes and the social hierarchy was apt at absorbing these stray upwardly mobile individuals and thus were able to abet any form of violent protest against the caste structure. This was true especially in Bengal where the incidents of major protests against the caste structure have been historically low as compared to other regions of India.
In this essay I shall be trying to give an overview of the dalit movement in eastern Bengal, which encompasses the area inhabited by the Namasudras. They played a major part in the dalit movement of eastern Bengal. I shall also look at the various identities that the dalit movement took on till independence. I shall first discuss their struggle at the political level and then talk about their changes in identity over time in the religious field. The whole issue is very complicated and interrelated but I have tried to show them in two distinct parts.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)